Introduction

In Italy we have three big trade union confederations, all ’regime unions’; the CGL is the main one, and is historically considered the most combative of the three; the CISL and the UIL arose in the period immediately following the Second World War after splits in the CGIL and they are still more openly collaborationist than the latter. These trade union confederations are composed of various federations, that is, of sindacati di categoria, trade unions that unite a particular category or trade. For example the Filcams CGIL for shop workers and Fiom CGIL for metal workers.

In the second half of the nineteen seventies, in reaction to the definitive incorporation of the CGIL into the capitalist regime, groups of workers started to struggle outside and against them. This movement led to the birth of various sindacati di base, rank-and-file or base unions. Today in Italy the main ones are: I’Unione Sindacale di Base (USB), the Confederazione Unitaria di Base (CUB), and the Sindacato Intercategoriale Cobas (SI Cobas).

From the end of the Second World War up to the birth of the rank-and-file unions our party advised workers to militate and fight within the CGIL. Since then our line has been that workers should organize “outside and against the regime unions (CGIL,CISL,UIL)”

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In our Italian language paper, “Il Partito Comunista”, we dealt with the fierce attack being waged against the freedom to strike:
- in Italy, with an agreement reached between the regime unions and industrial bosses, called Testo Unico sulla Rappresentanza (TUR, or Consolidation Act on Representation), which puts one of the two types of company union representation, the most widespread one, the RSU, under the strict control of regime unions.
- in Germany, with a special law for Uniform Contract, (“Tarifeinheit”), i. e., according to which the agreement made by the union with most members must apply to all workers; as to the formula “Ein Betrieb, ein Tarifvertrag” (One company, one contract).
- in Turkey, where the government made use of existing legislation in the past two years against powerful workers’ strikes.

We explained how this political action is due to the bourgeois regimes’ awareness of the fact that the crisis will force them to relentlessly worsen the working class living conditions and that this will inevitably cause a revival of workers struggles. This is already ongoing, with growing, although limited, strikes, in Germany and England.

In Italy, an example of this process is last year’s strike at IKEA, which has been a model company for peaceful industrial relations for 25 years; wage cuts averaging 20% led workers to strike to the bitter end, for nine consecutive days.

Class struggle was not born out of a theoretical view of society, with communists propagandising it amongst workers, it is rather the product of the material contradictions of capitalism, which Marxism has studied with scientific method. The national bourgeoisies consequently erect new walls, reinforce the old ramparts in defence of their regime, against the gathering wave of class struggle.

Such actions are caused by the internal laws of the capitalist economy and are implemented in the most diverse countries by the bourgeois governments of all colours, proving our point. On a global scale, the laws of capitalism are the same, same are the solutions of capitalism’s governments, and consequently same is the need for workers to fight.

One of the fortes of Regime Unionism has always been to nurture the so-called company bargaining, rather than national bargaining. Thus, in the past, thanks to these contracts some workers, usually in large companies, obtained better wages and conditions than the rest of the working class. This has aggravated the division between such workers and the rest of the class.

The interest to fight for a good national labour contract has therefore diminished, while mobilizing workers for a good company contract was favoured. Workers were therefore encouraged to company loyalty, at the expense of class interests. Over time, the share of wage perceived thanks to company contracts has grown, at the expense of that coming from national contracts.

With the advance of the crisis, however, it is the share of wages tied to company bargaining that is questioned; company contracts are repudiated, and draconian cuts are imposed.

If those pay rises had been won on the nationwide industrial labour contract, the bosses would encounter difficulties in imposing wage cuts, having to deal with entire categories. It is evident, therefore, how the Regime Unions have facilitated their task.

The examples are numerous, in public transport, sanitation, Electrolux... but here we’ll report on IKEA.

In late May 2015, IKEA announced to the unions a unilateral cancellation of the company contract, effective September 1st. In response, Filcams CGIL, Fisascat CISL and Uiltucs UIL (belonging to the tree main regime union confederations) called for a 16 hour strike, of which 8 were to be conducted on a local level, at the local store discretion, and the remainder on a national level. On June 6, local actions were conducted in more than half of the stores. Participation was high, and determination too. This is explained by the not insignificant stakes: wage cuts averaging 20%! This through the review of the pay for Sunday and holiday work, and the transformation of the company bonus, from a fixed salary item into a flexible one.

The attitude of the regime unions so far is explained by the national secretary of the CGIL Filcams: “There is a section, which amounts to approximately 10% of the workforce, which has the most favourable conditions; they work in the older stores and have better deals than the bulk of the workers, who get 70% [of Sundays and holidays increase]. There are also some who get 50, 45, 40%, then the system is very varied.” Originally the increase was 130% for all.

This differentiation was not created against the wishes of the unions, Filcams CGIL included, but in agreement with them. As a matter of fact, IKEA has been for twentyfive years a model of peaceful and collaborative industrial relations, without troubles with its employees.

Let’s read what the company says about its proposed wage cut: «IKEA’s proposal is aimed at making treatment for work on Sundays and public holidays fairer than it is today, since it differs from store to store, and within the same store (between old and new employees). An example: currently an associate in Catania has to work 3 Sundays to earn the salary of a Corsico colleague». So, the trade union confederations have favoured the “defence” of employees with greater seniority to the detriment of new employees, supporting the division of workers, encouraging the bosses’ offensive today which can exploit the scarce interest to fight of the worst paid workers in defence of those in better conditions, which are those who have most to lose in this battle.

The exact opposite of what a class union should do: mobilize workers in a better position to defend the most vulnerable ones, because they thus also defend themselves from competition of the lower paid. Basic notions of class unionism, so elementary but also so daily trampled on by these anti-labour unions.

After several meetings that did not lead to any result a new 8 hours stop was called for Saturday, July 11, for all 6,000 employees of 21 stores in Italy. This strike was successful but did not produce any agreement. So it was announced another 24-hour strike – four days – to be managed locally.

In late July the strikes began, which in many cases were protracted beyond what had initially been established, to the bitter end, as in Genoa, Naples, Padua, Rome.

As a rule the unions indicated to organize ineffectual permanent pickets in front of stores, where workers, perhaps because they were not familiar with struggles, saw no need to conduct stronger action.

In this manner, those who wanted to cross the picket line were not in any way deterred by strength and unity of strikers. If there were not the conditions to operate a hard picket, which would prevent the entry of strikebreakers, it would however be effective to stand still in front of store entrances. In some cases marches were organized inside the stores, such as in Milan, which produced a significant effect on strikebreakers and foremen.

Another way in which the trade union confederations have weakened this great movement of struggle was the strategy of favouring the action of the various individual stores, limiting unified striking to a few exceptional cases. Thus, on the one hand it wore out most militant workers, and on the other hand the company was not hit by the force of a strike to the bitter end, carried out in all the stores. Although a chance existed for it to fail completely, which can’t be taken for granted, the fact remains that, given the determination of the workers of the main stores, this was the strike to be deployed, to bend an international giant like IKEA.

To win companies of similar size it would be needed to organize international strikes: call all IKEA workers in all European countries to fight, today in defence of those of Italy, tomorrow for those of France, the day after tomorrow for those in Spain... all for all. Regime Unions run in the opposite direction – choosing local actions!

In Genoa the strike, which lasted nine days, was conducted by a current of the CGIL which appears to workers to be more militant than the rest of the union and that is characterized by appealing for a European union. The distance between these words and the real union practices is measured in the stubborn defence by the CGIL delegate of the work of her union in the face of criticism by the militants of Genoa SICobas, during a flyer distribution at the picket, carefully placed by confederals fifty meters away from the entrance.

The conduct of CGIL, CISL and UIL is obviously not unique to IKEA. We saw these methods applied to bus drivers – in the historic strike of December 2002 – by dividing them by city and even bus depots in the same city; most recently in Fincantieri (shipyard) and Electrolux (household appliances).Divisions pursued with most petty and deceitful means. In Fincantieri, Electrolux, IKEA exist national union coordinating bodies who obviously have the express purpose of preventing any real coordination among workers!

Italian base unions still divided

In summer 2015, the major Italian Trade Union Confederations suspended ongoing strikes at IKEA due to the company being open to meeting. In view of this meeting, on 7 September, 2015 a National Coordination meeting was held in Rome of the RSA (Government sponsored workplace councils) and of RSU. USB Base Union delegates, active in the Carugate and Corsico IKEA Milan stores were prevented from attending.

This episode was correctly denounced in a statement by the USB union’s Private Sector National Executive but they made no mention of the CUB union, which is in the same situation – for example in Rome’s Anagnina store CUB is the largest union, with 150 members against 17 belonging to confederal unions, within a total of 350 workers – but it is not recognized, even at the individual store level.

This is an important detail because it shows a lack of will of the leaderships of the base unions to conduct unified action to offer workers an alternative to the collaborationist unions CGIL, CISL and UIL.

The attitude of the Base Union leaderships is one of competition between acronyms instead of unity of action. This competition was certainly one of the causes that held back the formation of a national coordination of the base unions, as an alternative to that of the Confederations, that would include USB groups of Milan (Corsico and Carugate) – and Sesto Fiorentino stores, newly formed, the self-organized committee of workers of Brescia IKEA, formed during this fight and breakaway from the Confederations, the CUB of the Anagnina store in Rome. Also the SI Cobas should be included, who led the harsh struggles in November 2013 and May 2014 in IKEA logistics warehouse of Piacenza, the most important in Southern Europe, of contractors’ workers, whose involvement would give additional strength to the strike movement.

From late May to early September there was enough time, and even the necessary fight temperature, but, in spite of the will to do so by some delegates, there hasn’t been any appreciable result. Even Friday, September 18, the Flaica CUB organized a strike at an IKEA in Rome which the USB IKEA Milan did not join.

This struggle has two elements which are very instructive. The Flaica CUB Anagnina organized strikes, even after the Confederations decided to suspend them on September 18, despite not having recognized their union representation by the company. The USB, which instead has had its delegates elected in RSU of Corsico and Carugate, had no such strength. This shows how, even today, being inside the official trade unions doesn’t equal developing greater trade union strength. It probably plays a negative effect because grassroots/base unions delegates get entangled in wars and play games with the regime union delegates of the Confederations, and these with their territorial structures.

Think of what will happen in the future, when with contract renewal will also be enforced the Consolidation Act on Representation, which the USB has accepted. In these RSU the delegates of this union will not be able to strike against the unfavourable agreements signed by the Confederations.

This important element partly explains the inefficiency to set common action by these unions. The USB leadership must necessarily already set its action, and those of the delegates, aiming at the electoral race in the RSU. This is inevitably going to diverge with the action of those base unions that have not signed the Consolidated Act, like the CUB.

   Still opposing the Base Unions

In Italy before the summer stop the confederations have suspended strikes following the willingness to part company. In view of this meeting, September 7 took place in Rome on the National Coordination of the RSU and the RSA. Delegates to USB, present in historical shops of Milan Carugate and Corsico was even prevented to enter.

This episode was rightly denounced by a statement of the National Labor Private USB but made no mention of the CUB, which is in the same condition – as in the shop Anagnina is the first union, with 150 members against 17 of confederations of 350 workers – but sees recognized its representation, even at the individual store.

This is particularly important because it shows the unwillingness of the trade union leadership to take action to offer workers an alternative to the collaborationist unions CGIL, CISL and UIL based on unity.

The attitude of these leaderships, marked by competition between acronyms instead of unity of action, was certainly one of the causes that have slowed the formation of a national coordination of the base unions, alternative to those of the regime confederations, that welcomed USB groups of shops in Milan (Corsico and Carugate) – and the Sesto Fiorentino, newly formed, self-organized committee of workers of the shop Brescia, formed during this struggle in breaking with the confederations, the CUB shop Anagnina and where would You must also include the SI Cobas, who led the harsh struggles in November 2013 and May 2014 in the Ikea logistics warehouse in Piacenza, the largest in Southern Europe, between workers of the contracts, whose involvement would give additional force to the strike movement.

The time from late May to early September, is not missed, nor the necessary temperature of struggle, but, despite the will to do so by some delegates, has not had any appreciable result. Even Friday, September 18, the Flaica CUB organized a strike at Ikea Rome to which the USB Ikea Milan did not join.

This struggle still has two elements very instructive to highlight. The Flaica CUB Rome Anagnina led strikes, even after the confederations have decided the suspension, September 18, despite not having recognized their union representation by the company. The USB, which instead has had its delegates elected in RSU Corsico and Carugate, had no such power. This shows that, even today, to be inside the trade unions in no way means developing greater trade union strength. Indeed, it probably plays a negative effect, because it entangles delegates from grassroots unions in wars and tricks from the Regime trade unions and between the base unions and their territorial structures.

Think of what will happen in the future, when with the renewal of their industries’ contracts, will apply the Uniform representation, which the USB joined. In these RSU, delegates of this union will no longer strike against the agreements signed by the confederations.

This important element partly explains the inefficiency to set common action by these unions. The leadership of USB necessarily have already set its action, and one of the delegates, directing the electoral race in the RSU. This inevitably going to diverge with the action of these base unions that have not signed the Consolidated Law, as the CUB.

This process is manifested more clearly between the railway workers. After five strikes common between CAT, CUB and USB, managed, which represented a step forward towards the construction of an alternative trade union in the category, the announcement by USB to participate in the RSU elections November 24 to 27, under the rules of the Uniform Representation, broke this covenant, so much so that the USB did not join in the latest strike proclaimed by CAT and CUB, held on Sunday 13 September.