Over recent months, the Party has deepened its theoretical and practical work across multiple terrains. At the level of publications, comrades have continued to produce a large volume of translated texts, covering Marxist theory of knowledge, regional analyses, and foundational theoretical documents. Notably, long-term projects like Economic and Social Structure of Russia Today and The Jewish Question Today are nearing completion.

Efforts around printed materials have advanced, particularly with the upcoming launch of a Spanish-language tabloid in the United States. This project, though initially limited in scale, aims to become a regular vehicle for political agitation among Spanish-speaking workers. Work has also resumed to improve CL Publishers, the Party’s publishing platform, with a need to use it as a consistent outlet for the Party’s core publications. The latest issue of our theoretical journal Communism is now available in print form, and comrades have continued national and international distribution of The International Communist Party (TICP) press, including TICP issues #62 and #63. These contain analysis and intervention reports from class struggles across the globe, including the United States, Chile, Iran, Greece, and Turkey.

The Party’s YouTube channel has become an increasingly important tool to put the Party’s program in contact with the workers. Over a dozen videos in multiple languages have been released in recent months, with strong engagement, especially in English and Italian. Among the published materials are the multilingual 2025 May Day statement and selected articles from recent TICP issues. Further projects are in production, including translated recordings of the Party Program and historical texts like “Lenin the Organic Centralist”. The organization and categorization of content across languages and subjects remains a priority, alongside efforts to improve coordination across national sections according to the common international publishing schedule.

Over the past three months, the developing social crisis within capital has led various opportunist groups to divert proletarian rage into Democratic Party linked apparatuses to add fuel for the future recuperation of the developing class antagonisms into inter-classist projects of reform and restoration of the regime of capital. Thus the U.S. section of the Party has carried out its essential task: intervening wherever the proletariat appears, even when cloaked in the blindfolds of opportunist leaders who sow confusion, nationalism, or petty-bourgeois illusions as it is our eternal duty to smash these ideological weapons of the enemy. At the so-called “Hands Off!” demonstration in Chicago, attended by around 700 and marked by pacifist appeals to the state and democratic platitudes, comrades distributed TICP No. 62 and CSAN leaflets, counterposing to the slogans of national defense the only real alternative - class struggle and the future proletarian dictatorship. Similarly, at the proclaimed “anti-Trump” rallies organized by opportunist groups in Virginia and Illinois, where the spectacle of “anti-fascism” served only to redirect class anger into electoral channels, Party militants distributed dozens of papers and engaged with workers disillusioned by both factions of the ruling class. These interventions were not tactical gambits, but expressions of the Party’s permanent responsibility to agitate among all class elements and to disarm the ideological weapons of the enemy: above all, those wielded by opportunist leaders who exploit crises to reinforce class subordination to the cause of the nation and defense of democracy.

May Day saw interventions in Portland, Pittsburgh, Chicago, Richmond, and New Mexico, confronting demonstrations largely organized by reformist and Democratic-aligned forces. In Portland, comrades attended two separate events—one held by electoralist organizations, the other by the Portland Teachers Association. Despite both being saturated in patriotic rhetoric, comrades distributed TICP No. 63, CSAN flyers, and made contact with militant elements, including a comrade involved in the Federal Unionist Network. Even in these politically backward environments, the interest in revolutionary material was evident, especially among workers who feel the dead-end of reformism but have not yet found a coherent alternative. The Party does not chase popularity, nor does it avoid hostile terrain. It intervenes to unmask the slogans of class collaboration, to separate proletarian instincts from bourgeois traps, and to affirm—through its presence, its press, and its agitation—that only the independent organization of the working class, aimed at the destruction of capitalism, can resolve the crisis now unfolding.