The Ecuadorian indigenous movement rose en masse against the government. With an important capacity for mobilization, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (Conaie), together with other indigenous organizations such as ECUARUNARI, CONFENIAE, FEINE and FENOCIN, promoted a national strike against the increase in gasoline and diesel (which have historically had a subsidized price) and presented a list of 10 demands. The protests, which began on June 13 and included the intermittent closure of highways in more than half of Ecuador’s 24 provinces and in at least 6 sectors of the capital, were joined by students and workers who marched in Quito. and clashed with the police.

The political arm of the Conaie, Pachakutik, is the second force in the National Assembly, with 18 of the 137 seats. Indigenous people represent more than one million of Ecuador’s 17.7 million inhabitants. Conaie and Pachakutik are movements that are as opportunist and bourgeois democratic as the parties that control the government or as the opposition parties, among which the so-called "correismo" stands out. They are movements incapable of providing a proletarian leadership to the national strike.

Conaie’s list of claims focused mainly on claims from small and medium-sized enterprises and agricultural production, minimizing the demands of wage earners. However, the masses were adding to the rejection of the high cost of living or, what is the same, the low wages of workers. The trade union centers and trade unions in general did not make themselves felt or promoted the workers’ agitation and mobilization. The workers joined spontaneously, without their own claim sheet.

But the springs of the class struggle are there, strained by low wages, by unemployment, by exhausting working hours, by poor hygiene and safety in the workplace; and then, the promoters of the national strike in Ecuador may end up waking up the sleeping giant: the proletariat, the salaried workers. Precisely because of the fear that the social unrest will end up waking up the workers, the bourgeoisie is already preparing not only the demagogic and conciliatory actions of the opportunist parties, but has also let the noise of sabers sound like a card up its sleeve if things go wrong. they get out of control.

The Ecuadorian salaried workers must advance towards the organization and mobilization outside and against the current unions and resume the class struggle for salary increases and for the reduction of the working day, bringing together all their forces in a true General Strike, which paralyzes production and services and that forces the capitalists and their government to take a step back from their anti-worker policies. Only in this way will the class struggle in Ecuador be able to make a qualitative leap and free itself from the straitjacket currently imposed by the different opportunist parties, whether they declare themselves to be on the right, center or left.

Any of the parties that promoted the strike in Ecuador can only lead the movement until the change of one bourgeois government for another. Although the movement took on insurrectionary overtones and in some provinces took control of regional governments, the Ecuadorian proletariat has nothing to hope for from a new government controlled by the parties and movements that coordinated the strike, which will quickly show that they are not they will be nothing but new administrators of the interests of the bourgeoisie. Guillermo Lasso, President of Ecuador, announced on Sunday, June 26, the reduction of ten cents in the price of fuels that were already frozen, to try to respond to one of the main demands of the protests; however, this reduction was considered insufficient by the indigenous movement. While on the one hand the indigenous movement began to dialogue and negotiate with the government, in parliament supporters of former President Rafael Correa requested the removal of President Lasso. Although the dialogue with the government began on Monday June 27 without stopping the strike, it was evident that the pace of the protests began to slow down.

For the transformation of all social energy into a revolutionary anti-capitalist movement, the constitution of a section of the international communist party is essential, which begins a serious work of organization and political orientation of the struggles of the working class.