Port workers

In The Communist Party, no. 44, we wrote about the deadlocked negotiations between the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) and the Pacific Maritime Association (PMA) over a new contract for port workers on the West Coast of the United States.

At the time, a major strike at a crucial choke point in the American economy seemed like a very real possibility. Although the probability of a strike occurring was low even then, the magnitude of such a strike, if it were to occur, made it appear quite threatening anyways. Now, the window seems to be closing.

In mid June, the ILWU and PMA met with President Joe Biden to discuss the supply chain crisis and their ongoing negotiations. This visit was a warning that the government is watching developments closely, ready to intervene to immediately suppress any potential labor unrest.

Shortly thereafter, the ILWU and PMA released a joint statement stating unequivocally: “Neither party is preparing for a strike or a lockout, contrary to speculation in news reports.” Thus, the union has seemingly backed down from a strike, presumably out of fear of public backlash and being isolated.

This is why we emphasize the need for further association of the proletariat, so that the port workers can go on strike with the support of the mass of the working class. Of course, that association will not materialize purely out of thought and will-power, but can only result from the development of existing class struggles.

ILWU port workers’ decision not to cross the truckers’ “picket line” at the Port of Oakland is an example pointing towards the future. Port workers need to unify with truckers, as well as all workers of the supply chain - railroaders, postal workers, air freight workers, warehouse workers, etc. - and advance universal demands like wage increases across the board.

It is true and worth repeating that the ability to collectively withhold labor is the workers’ greatest weapon. But it is also important not to fetishize the strike, which, if done improperly, will merely squander the energy of the workers in pointless adventures in the best case scenario, and, at worst, cause the unrestrained fury of the repressive state apparatus to fall upon the labor movement before it has reached maturity. The lesson is that that great bargaining chip - the threat of a strike - should not be traded away lightly, and only temporarily. The working class is allowed (sometimes advised) to retreat, but never to surrender.

Another point to remember is that the strike may be the best weapon, but it is not the only weapon in the arsenal. A strike is not necessary for the port workers to obtain a good contract.

ILWU members are currently working in the ports without a contract, the last one having expired on July 1.

Although talks over automation (discussed in the last issue) are still at a standstill, a tentative agreement has been reached on healthcare benefits.

Railroad workers

Two union coalitions representing twelve craft unions have been negotiating with freight rail carriers for a new national contract since 2020. The main areas of dispute, which have functioned as a barrier to any agreement, as indicated by the rail unions themselves, are wages and healthcare benefits.

Staffing is a major issue for the rank-and-file as well, although it has apparently taken the backseat in negotiations. The carriers were preparing to reduce the size of train crews from two people to one until a recent announcement by the Federal Railroad Administration - the federal agency responsible for regulating the railroads in the United States - prohibiting the expansion of one-person crews.

The Railway Labor Act (RLA) - the labor law governing labor relations in the railroad and airline industries - makes the bargaining process extremely convoluted and drawn-out.

On July 15, three days before the expiration of a thirty-day cooling period, at the end of which the rail unions would be free to strike, President Joe Biden appointed a Presidential Emergency Board (PEB) which has thirty days to issue a report with its own recommendations on the situation in the rail industry. This move was to be expected, since the government is not going to simply allow a strike in such a vital industry.

After the report is issued, another thirty-day cooling period will follow; then, in mid September, the unions will theoretically be free to strike, if a decision/agreement still is not reached. However, Congress has the power to issue more cooling periods and force arbitration or the PEB’s recommendations on both parties, so a legally-permitted strike remains extremely unlikely.

On the other hand, railroaders seem to overwhelmingly support a strike. Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and Trainmen held a strike authorization vote in early July in which 99.5% of the nationwide membership voted to strike.

If railroaders are going to strike, they will need to break the law - a big gamble. Going against the state could result in the destruction of the rail unions, as PATCO (the now extinct air traffic controllers’ union - which was also regulated by the RLA) was destroyed by the Reagan administration when they went on strike in 1981.

Moreover, since the rail unions are not preparing to strike, the rank-and-file would have to defy their leaders and engage in a wildcat strike. Without the organizational and financial support of the unions, a successful strike is all the more daunting.

That being said, it’s still possible to win an illegal, wildcat strike, even in such an indispensable industry with the fierce opposition of the state: for example, the postal strike of 1970.

Finally, there are alternative means available to the proletariat to force the bourgeoisie to meet its demands, many of which remain within legal boundaries. Though we should not rely exclusively on state-recognized methods since the state uses its recognition to divert struggles into relatively harmless channels.

Strike or no strike, the key to victory for the railroaders is the same as it is for all proletarians: association. For instance, railroaders can link up their struggles with truckers, port workers, air freight workers, warehouse workers, and postal workers to create a unitary movement of workers of the supply chain.